Archive for April 2009

Howard Gardner: Group Comparisons Don’t Help

April 29, 2009

Everyone, and by all means everyone at all connected with public education including our President and his new Secretary of Education, Arne Duncan, ought to read this short statement by Howard Gardner, professor of cognition and education at the Harvard Graduate School of Education.

Gardner reminds us forcefully and correctly that “Group Comparisons Don’t Help,” in particular all this talk about achievement gaps is just chatter, taking us nowhere.

I have never been enthusiastic about work that focuses primarily on the “achievement gap.” On any measurable human quality there will always be gaps between groups, and these can come from innumerable factors — many of them superficial and even easy to alter. Far more important is the delineation of competences that are needed to to function successfully in society today and going forward.

To put it in the current vernacular, we need all individuals to be at least competent, and as many as possible to be highly competent or proficient — and as much as possible, jurisdictions need to have the same criteria for what it means to be competent or highly competent.

The more that competence is reached across the spectrum — as it has been in various ways in Singapore, Finland, and Japan — the less important it is to focus on distinctions between groups, whether it be majority/minority, rich/ poor, men/women, tall/short etc.

If I were the education czar, I’d give group comparisons benign neglect for awhile, and push toward all students reaching at least a basic level of competence.

(To read the article from which this was taken, go to: What We Learn From School Tests)

Tampa Paris Twittering

April 28, 2009

—–Message d’origine—–
De : Philip Waring à Tampa
Envoyé : samedi 18 avril 2009 16:06
À : Eric Degardin à Paris
Objet : Twitter?

Eric,
Twittering does seem like a good way to keep in touch. Do you twitter?  I know you do FaceBook, where that question, “What are you doing now?” (or is it what’s on our mind? what are you thinking about?) is also asked.

I just signed up to twitter, … although most of the time now, here in the Tampa Spring, the birds are twittering and I’m out there listening to them, in the garden, but not saying a word, just planting, orange and lime trees, and queen palms and much else. Here everything grows.
OP

On Apr 26, 2009, at 11:28 PM, Eric Degardin wrote:

Oncle Philip,

Forgive me my late (reply). I’m not twittering this time, but, in a future, why not? … But let me say that gardens are better and nicer that men,… this is why you are right to take care of yours.
See you later,
Eric

De : Philip Waring
Envoyé : lundi 27 avril 2009 14:37
À : Eric Degardin
Objet : Re: Twitter?

Eric, Since you say, “why not?” well now you need only to go to Twitter.com, sign up (name and password), and then put me down as someone you want to “follow.”
Start twittering yourself, and we can at least “follow” one another, and perhaps over time find others to follow and still others to follow us?
So, what are you doing, in 140 letters, including spaces, or less?
OP

On Apr 28, 2009, at 3:47 AM,
Eric Degardin wrote:

OP, I’m (not) sure that I have such an important life, to shout to everybody that I am lacing my shoes or peeling potatoes; and I’m pretty sure that not everybody cares about my special palpitations while reading the Idiot of Dostoievski!

But, because you ask to me for it, I am going to tempt a try.

By the way, the light of your last trip to France is again in my heart and my head. Good to walk with you in Paris and go to the French Bank, to meet with French bankers with nice ties and fine words on their tongues.
Eric

de Philip Waring
April 28, 2009 10:52 AM EDT
To Eric Degardin

Eric, you’re correct about tying shoelaces, peeling potatoes etc., but if I had (I don’t) a network of 10 or 15 good friends, wouldn’t it be bracing, sometimes joyful (pass the bottle!) to hear from them on a regular basis, as if we were living next door?

Twittering, representing a network that I seem incapable of establishing having lost contact with all those people whom I’ve known in my lifetime and who might have happily twittered with me now,… yes twittering could recreate some of the pleasures of human contacts that we’ve (I’ve) mostly lost.

Now too many spend too much of their time with their cherished pets and flat screens (because they do need warmth and comfort —I’m not yet there, praise the Lord), but how much better it would be if people could spend more of their time with people, if only for that regular and frequent exchange of 140 letters and spaces, the number that Twitter, the taskmaster, allows us.

Oops! I’ve just gone well over the 140 allotment.

But Eric, you do have a network of good friends, that you’ve often told us about on several occasions during our Paris visits. Do they twitter? Maybe I could get to know them too through your twitter network, if you crete one?
OP

ps: Another thought. Ivan doesn’t write, doesn’t like to write the way we do, but he (and Julie) might like to join a Twitter network with us. Twitter instead of FaceBook? Why bother? Well Twitter does seem simpler, more essential, and probably will take up much less of our time. The next time you go to Ivan’s you might talk about all this. He does play the flute, which of all the musical sounds does come closest to twittering.

Pakistan, failed nuclear non-state

April 25, 2009

Pakistan is an enigma for us in the West. We don’t understand what is going on, in particular we don’t understand it when the new president, Asif Ali Zardari (and the husband of Benazir Bhutto, extremist  assassinated twice elected Prime Minister of Pakistan) has absolutely nothing to say, at least to us in the West, about the fact that the Taliban, bent on this President’s destruction, as well as the destruction of democratic Pakistan, is in the process of occupying large segments of the North-West Frontier Province, beginning with the Switzerland of Pakistan, the Swat Valley, a region that used to be a highly popular tourist destination, hardly one hundred miles from Islamabad.

swat-district

Writing today, Saturday, April 25, 2009, in the Pakistani English language newspaper, Dawn, Irfan Husain makes a number of devastating and frightening (given Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal) judgments about his own country, judgments that must be hard to swallow, let alone live with, by our Department of State and our Military in their up until now mostly vain attempt to keep the country, Pakistan, from becoming another Somalia where lawless pirates rule.

To read Husain is to become painfully aware of one of the, what should I call them, civilization gaps that exist in today’s world. These gaps are everywhere, but most visible and frightening where they directly or indirectly threaten our Western civilization, such as in the heart of Africa, in the Congo and in Darfur and Somalia, in the Middle East, North Korea, and perhaps most of all in Pakistan.

Pakistan while given country status at the time of the partition of India, on August 14, 1947, in fact never became a real country, never established settled national borders, never agreed on the measure of autonomy to be exercised by the original federating units, never adopted an official language, or at least one that was spoken by the majority of the population, (English is the official language of Pakistan while Urdu is the national language although not being a native language or the mother tongue of any native group in the country) and most important, and that which must greatly frustrate the country’s rulers, never achieved a broad consensus on the nature and direction of the state.

And it’s all too painfully visible in the news from Pakistan reaching us today, that the government still has not established its monopoly on the use and means of force, essential for any government to govern. There is still too much physical power, too much use of deadly force (witness the recent assassinations of village elders in Swat, and the earlier Red Mosque and any number of other violent incidents attributed to home grown Pakistani extremists) in the hands of the opponents of the state.

According to Husain Pakistan’s failure stems largely from the long delay in forging a consensus on the constitution, and partly from the frequent military interventions that repeatedly eroded respect for the constitution and the rule of law. In Husain’s words,

“Poorly educated military dictators with no sense of history attempted to come up with half-baked concepts that have laid waste to the institutions we inherited from the British.”

On the question of the country’s borders the rulers of Pakistan have generally opted for military confrontation instead of dialogue and discourse, in particular confrontation with India where such was hardly necessary, or at least hardly foreshadowed a mortal threat to Pakistan,

“Pakistani militarists have driven foreign and defense policies, arming to repel real and perceived dangers from abroad, while creating a Frankenstein monster within the country.” [The Frankenstein monster being the Pakistani military, evidently joined at the hip with extremist, jihadi elements in their midst.]

“Money that should have been spent on education and health was diverted into the insatiable black hole of bloated military budgets…. millions of young people remain uneducated and unemployed.

“Filling the educational vacuum are the thousands of madressahs, many financed by Saudi Arabia, that do not equip students for careers in the modern world….[creating instead] a fertile breeding ground [for Taliban and Qaeda recruiters].

“Talk to any conservative Pakistani today, and he will assert that as Pakistan was created in the name of Islam the Sharia should be the law of the land. It would be futile to point out that Jinnah [Pakistan's founder] envisioned a secular state in which all Pakistanis would be equal citizens.”

“Instead of fighting [the jihadi militants] the ruling elites continue their double game of playing footsie with the Taliban, while laying claim to billions in western aid….

“Many people are confused about the issues underlying this crisis: having been told that Pakistan was created in the name of Islam, they are now being asked to accept that the real enemy is not Hindu India, but fanatics who want to impose their stone-age rule in the name of Islam.

“Such contradictions cannot be easily resolved, especially in a deeply conservative society where illiteracy is rampant. When simple, poorly educated soldiers are warned by mullahs that they will not be accorded a Muslim burial if they fall fighting the Taliban, it is understandable that they should be reluctant to go into combat.”

And into this impenetrable swamp of a country now steps General Petraeus:

In Breaking News of Saturday, April 25, 2009, we read that, Gen David Petraeus, head of the US Central Command, has sought Congressional support for a $3 billion program to enhance Pakistan’s counter insurgency capability, while stressing that the United States must be seen as a reliable ally of this key South Asian country.

What are the chances of the General’s efforts succeeding? What are our chances of lessening the civilization gap between our two lands? Given the trillion dollar amounts in bail-outs that we read about daily the $3 billion is not a lot of money. But given the situation that Husain describes is there any chance at all that these monies, or even much more, will make a difference?

The way things are, or the way we would have them be

April 22, 2009

The argument is, and perhaps is always, between those who would see things as they are (and perhaps as we all would rather they not be) and those who would go on seeing things as they (probably most of us) would like them to be.

I take an example of each position from today’s newspapers, but it probably could have been any day because the spread between appearance and reality, between what we would like and what is, is always present and readily visible.

First there is Thomas Friedman writing in an op ed piece in the New York Times.  And second, there are the Thernstroms, Abigail and Stephan, writing in the Wall Street Journal.

Parenthetically I don’t conclude from this that the Times would have things as they would like them to be, and the Journal (as being more apt to accept) things as they are. But this difference between the two publications, as exemplified by the writers, may very well be the crux of the liberal conservative split in our country.

First Friedman and what he would like things to be. This time his subject matter is K-12 education. He sees no reason why all ninth graders can’t remain in school until graduation, and by doing so achieve the sought after grade proficiency in language and math (by 2013 as the No Child Left Behind Law would have it).

Now the way things are is not that. All kids don’t graduate. In fact, only about half of inner city kids finish high school, and in the suburbs more, but still only about seven in ten. The others are dropping out.

Friedman would have it that this doesn’t have to be this way. It’s not programmed in our genes. Rather we are probably at fault in the way we do our K-12 education, and need only change things around, carry out a few reforms, to improve on the graduation rates.

Friedman doesn’t question that high school graduation is within everyone’s reach, and that it falls upon the educators who pull the strings to make it happen. And then we could resume our rightful place as the world’s leader in K-12 public school education. Friedman reminds us that we held this position just one half a century ago, and were without a rival —no Finland, no Singapore, no South Korea at that time.

Friedman is encouraged by President Obama and by his new Education secretary, Arne Duncan, both of whom also seem persuaded that high school graduation is within everyone’s reach, and that now for the first time, with the Stimulus, there may be enough money, some $100 billion, to make it happen.

But Friedman, Obama, and Duncan, and many others, are only speaking about the way they would like things to be. There is absolutely no evidence that, if the bar is set appropriately high, with targets such as mastery of first year calculus, or even pre-calculus, such as the ability to convey one’s original understanding of a book or problem in a finished essay or experiment, there is no evidence that everyone can satisfactorily attain these and other such targets.

We shouldn’t be surprised by this. We shouldn’t expect this any more than we would expect everyone to play chess at Expert or Class A level, or play golf with little or no golf handicap.

If not everyone is graduating from high school it’s mostly because the academic demands are not within everyone’s ability to meet, and not primarily because a bad school, a poor teacher, and a abusive and disruptive home situation are in evidence. Let’s hope that the bar will be kept high and that high school graduation will mean something.

The reality is that kids’ learning of any one subject matter or skill will always be best represented on a Bell Curve, and unless the bar is set all the way to the left of the curve not everyone will ever achieve proficiency, or will ever graduate from high school if graduation implies, as it certainly should, the real acquisition of important skills and knowledge.

Friedman is talking about an imaginary K-12 education. Proficiency for all in all areas of study can’t and won’t happen. That’s not to say that K-12 education can’t be improved. However, the way to do so, the way to lower the drop-out numbers, to lessen the achievement gaps between different student groups, is to have clearly in mind only individual goals, goals that are not wishful thinking, but are real and achievable for each and every child.

Friedman is correct in that all kids can and should be learning useful and important skills and knowledge. But he is wrong to imply that all kids can learn the same skills and knowledge, at least to any meaningful extent. For they can’t. Our having for all the one goal of high school graduation and college readiness means that half or more of the “all kids” are always going to fail.

Abigail and Stephan Thernstrom, on the other hand, are realists. They don’t expect things to  be anything but what they are. In their example it’s not our failing inner city school systems and what significance we should attach to them, but how to use and interpret the  results of tests given for advancement to vacant lieutenant and captain positions in the New Haven, Connecticut fire department.

The Supreme Court has agreed to hear argument in Ricci (the fireman who didn’t receive advancement in spite of high test scores) v. DeStefano.  “At its core,” dissenting Judge José Cabranes wrote, “this case presents a straight-forward question: May a municipal employer disregard the results of a qualifying examination, which was carefully constructed to ensure race-neutrality, on the ground that the results of that examination yielded too many qualified applicants of one race and not enough of another?”

The test results, the “reality” in the New Haven fire department case, was that the highest-scoring black candidate for a captaincy ranked 16th, behind 12 whites and three Latinos. And that on the lieutenant’s exam, the strongest black performers ranked 14th, 15th and 16th.

And then how were the test results used? Did the realists, or those who accepted the test results as being accurate and informative, win? Were the new captaincies and lieutenancies awarded on the basis of merit, and did they go to those with the highest scores as one would expect? Afterall wasn’t this why the test was given, to learn who were the best qualified candidates?

No. Instead the city set aside the results, proclaiming that the test, given that there were no black candidates among the highest scorers, must have been biased.

The Thernstroms point out correctly that, “if sharp racial disparities are the measure, then virtually any test of knowledge is biased…. the authoritative National Assessment of Educational Progress reported its 2005 findings: 29% of white 12th graders — but only 6% of those who were black — scored at the “proficient” level in mathematics. Huge racial disparities also show up in state bar examination results, as well as in those administered to aspiring physicians by the National Board of Medical Examiners.”

Now it will be interesting to see how the Supreme Court decides the Ricci case. Will the Judges too place what they want things to be, what they (and we) would like, ahead of what things are, even if we and they would prefer they not be?

The New Haven test results didn’t advance our desire to live, and to work, in a multi-racial environment, corresponding to the multi-racial nature of our people. But is the correct response to throw them out?

The Thernstroms remind us that they are not arguing that racial disparities are a permanent fact of life, but rather that the remedy for lessening such things as racial achievement gaps ought to be something other than racial quotas. For individuals, they say, not groups, have rights in American law (and in America) and ought to be protected.

Forgiveness and Irony

April 20, 2009

The thinker and writer Roger Scruton says, in a winter 2009 City Journal article, that if we want a simple definition of the West as it is today, the concept of citizenship is a good starting point, but it’s only a starting point. It’s not enough. John Locke’s social contract, bringing about responsible cooperation between the governed and the governor, doesn’t by itself explain the strength and staying power of the West.

There are other qualities, two of them in particular, gifts, according to Scruton, originating in our Judeo-Christian tradition and providing the responsible citizen with a heart, which more than the head is the source of our civilization’s strength. These gifts are forgiveness and irony.

The first of these gifts is forgiveness. … And in the Judeo-Christian tradition, the primary act of sacrifice is forgiveness. The one who forgives sacrifices resentment and thereby renounces something that had been dear to his heart….

[Then there is]  irony. … a new kind of irony dominates Christ’s judgments and parables, which look on the spectacle of human folly and wryly show us how to live with it. A telling example is Christ’s verdict in the case of the woman taken in adultery: “Let he who is without fault cast the first stone.”

Scruton says that the late Richard Rorty saw irony as a state of mind intimately connected with the postmodern worldview—a withdrawal from judgment that nevertheless aims at a kind of consensus, a shared agreement not to judge.

The ironic temperament, however, is better understood as a virtue—a disposition aimed at a kind of practical fulfillment and moral success. Venturing a definition of this virtue, I would describe it as a habit of acknowledging the otherness of everything, including oneself…. [Irony] simply recognizes that the one who judges is also judged, and judged by himself.

I would agree with Scruton, that forgiveness and irony are essential virtues, no less than, say, justice and courage, but are they more important than the other 5 cardinal virtues, or the other 52, or 118?  And are they the gifts of the Judeo-Christian tradition? I would say no. The virtues exemplify what we are capable of being at our best, not necessarily what we are. And their origin is from within our nature, more than from any tradition.

And I would define forgiveness and irony slightly differently than Scruton. Forgiveness for me is a kind of acceptance, an acceptance of others as they are, with no thought of making them into what we would like them to be. We “forgive” our own children by loving them as they reveal to us who they are, even if what they reveal is not what we would have liked them to be.

And if we’re large souled we forgive the other person, who does us wrong, in much the same way. An interesting question, can we forgive the suicide bomber? Or rather the handler who made that bomber? Forgiveness is now being tested severely.

Irony has almost as many definitions as there are people making them. For me irony reveals an awareness of how different things are from what they would be, might have been, could be, from what they were meant to be. An awareness that things are not as they might seem to be.

I liken irony to the quality of being able to laugh at myself, because in my life things have never been what they were supposed to be, and the disparity was more comic than tragic. Things have nearly always turned out differently from what I  had expected.

The disparity could be tragic, when the woman you marry is your own mother, or when you kill the woman you love through a mistake, or it could be comic, when you get run over by a truck while standing properly on the sidewalk, or when the person you tried so hard to avoid is the very first person you bump into as you leave the gathering.

I would point out the quality or virtue of irony is the enemy of all true believers, and as such could be our most successful weapon in our on-going struggle with Al Qaeda in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Somalia and other failed states. But so far we haven’t found a way to deliver it. And instead these people go on believing that their reality is the only reality.

The ironic temperament, if we could ever introduce it into these lands, would not permit that.

George Will, Potemkin Country

April 19, 2009

Washington Post,
Sunday, April 19, 2009

WASHINGTON — America’s “progressive” president has some peculiarly retro policies. Domestically, his reactionary liberalism is exemplified by his policy of No Auto Company Left Behind, with its intimated hope that depopulated Detroit, where cattle could graze, can somehow return to something like the 1950s. Abroad, he seems to yearn for the 1970s, when the Soviet Union was rampant and coping with it supposedly depended on arms control.

Actually, what was needed was not the chimera of arms control but Ronald Reagan’s renewal of the arms race that helped break the Soviet regime. The stately minuet of arms negotiations helped sustain U.S. public support for the parallel weapons spending.

Significant arms agreements are generally impossible until they are unimportant. Significant agreements are those that substantially alter an adversarial dynamic between rival powers. But arms agreements never do. During the Cold War, for example, arms negotiations were another arena of great power competition rather than an amelioration of that competition.

The Soviet Union was a third-world nation with first-world missiles. It had, as Russia still has, an essentially hunter-gatherer economy, based on extraction industries — oil, gas, minerals, furs. Other than vodka, for what manufactured good would you look to Russia? Caviar? It is extracted from the fish that manufacture it.

Today, in a world bristling with new threats, the president suggests addressing an old one — Russia’s nuclear arsenal. It remains potentially dangerous, particularly if a portion of it falls into nonstate hands. But what is the future of the backward and backsliding kleptocratic thugocracy that is Vladimir Putin’s Russia?

Putin — ignore the human Potemkin village (Dmitry Medvedev) who currently occupies the presidential office — must be amazed and amused that America’s president wants to treat Russia as a great power. Obama should instead study pertinent demographic trends.

Nicholas Eberstadt’s essay “Drunken Nation” in the current World Affairs quarterly notes that Russia is experiencing “a relentless, unremitting, and perhaps unstoppable depopulation.” Previous episodes of depopulation — 1917-23, 1933-34, 1941-46 — were the results of civil war, Stalin’s war on the “kulaks” and collectivization of agriculture, and World War II, respectively. But today’s depopulation is occurring in normal — for Russia — social and political circumstances. Normal conditions include a subreplacement fertility rate, sharply declining enrollment rates for primary school pupils, perhaps more than 7 percent of children abandoned by their parents to orphanages or government care or life as “street children.” Furthermore, “mind-numbing, stupefying binge drinking of hard spirits” — including poisonously impure home brews — “is an accepted norm in Russia and greatly increases the danger of fatal injury through falls, traffic accidents, violent confrontations, homicide, suicide, and so on.” Male life expectancy is lower under Putin than it was a half-century ago under Khrushchev.

Martin Walker of the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington, writing in The Wilson Quarterly (“The World’s New Numbers”), notes that Russia’s declining fertility is magnified by “a phenomenon so extreme that it has given rise to an ominous new term — hypermortality.” Because of rampant HIV/AIDS, extreme drug-resistant tuberculosis (XDR-TB) and alcoholism, and the deteriorating health care system, a U.N. report says “mortality in Russia is three to five times higher for men and twice as high for women” than in other countries at a comparable stage of development. The report, Walker says, “predicts that within little more than a decade the working-age population will be shrinking by up to 1 million people annually.” Be that as it may, “Russia is suffering a demographic decline on a scale that is normally associated with the effects of a major war.”

According to projections by the United Nations Population Division, Russia’s population, which was around 143 million four years ago, might be as high as 136 million or as low as 121 million in 2025, and as low as 115 million in 2030.

Marx envisioned the “withering away” of the state under mature communism. Instead, Eberstadt writes, the world may be witnessing the withering away of Russia, where Marxism was supposed to be the future that works. Russia, he writes, “has pioneered a unique new profile of mass debilitation and foreshortened life previously unknown in all of human history.”

“History,” he concludes, “offers no examples of a society that has demonstrated sustained material advance in the face of long-term population decline.” Demography is not by itself destiny, but it is more real than an arms control “process” that merely expresses the liberal hope of taming the world by wrapping it snugly in parchment.

From Lewis H. Lapham in Harper’s Magazine, May, 2009

April 19, 2009

Never to have lived is best, ancient writers say;
Never to have drawn the breath of life,
never to have looked into the eye of day;
The second best’s a gay good night and quickly turn away.
—W. B. Yeats

Jean Baudrillard, writing in his last book, Cool Memories V, after having been diagnosed with the cancer that killed him, “Death orders matters well, since the very fact of your absence makes the world distinctly less worthy of being lived in.”
– Simon Critchley, The Book of Dead Philosophers

The Pirates Challenge Obama’s Pre-9/11 Mentality, Distinctions between lawful and unlawful combatants go back to Roman times.

April 11, 2009

The excerpt below is taken from an op ed piece in the WSJ of April 11, 2009, by Mackubin Thomas Owens.

As the eminent military historian Sir Michael Howard argued shortly after 9/11, the status of al Qaeda terrorists is to be found in a distinction first made by the Romans and subsequently incorporated into international law by way of medieval and early modern European jurisprudence. According to Mr. Howard, the Romans distinguished between bellum (war against legitimus hostis, a legitimate enemy) and guerra (war against latrunculi, pirates, robbers, brigands and outlaws).

Bellum became the standard for interstate conflict, and it is here that the Geneva Conventions were meant to apply. They do not apply to guerra. Indeed, punishment for latrunculi, “the common enemies of mankind,” traditionally has been summary execution.

Though they don’t often employ the term, many legal experts agree that al Qaeda fighters are latrunculi — hardly distinguishable by their actions from pirates and the like. Robert Kogod Goldman, an American University law professor has commented: “I think under any standard, the captured al Qaeda fighters simply do not meet the minimum standards set out to be considered prisoners of war.” And according to Marc Cogen, a professor of international law at Ghent University in Belgium, “no ‘terrorist organization’ thus far has been deemed a combatant under the laws of armed conflict.” Thus al Qaeda members “can be punished for all hostile acts, including the killing of soldiers, because they have no right to participate directly in hostilities.”

to “take responsibility for their country and for their sovereignty”

April 7, 2009

President Obama is now in Iraq. We read in today’s Times that while addressing hundreds of troops gathered at a military base the president said that it was time for Iraqis to “take responsibility for their country and for their sovereignty,” winning thereby enthusiastic applause.

07obama4-600
President Obama greeted military personnel at Camp Victory in Baghdad on Tuesday.
(Charles Dharapak/Associated Press)

The right thing to say. It probably was the right thing to say years ago. It wasn’t said as a threat. Let’s hope that he meant what he said, and that our troops will complete their withdrawal from Iraq within two years.

His critics, mostly know-nothing Republicans led by the talk-show entertainer, Rush Limbaugh, accuse the President of being all smooth talk, and that up until now the talking, such as in Turkey yesterday and Iraq today, will lead to nothing.

It is true that all the talk has not yet led to a single positive outcome. It’s true that all the cases, GM, the bank bailouts, Afghanistan, Iraq, and any number of others, are still wide open, not even close to being closed. It’s true that for the time being we need to believe in our President.

In any case this President’s talk is reassuring, as opposed to that of our previous president of eight years, George Bush. Bush may have understood this or that issue or problem, but his talk never revealed an understanding, a sensitivity, and we were left following his talk, usually only a brief comment, quite unreassured.

Obama’s words have always showed a clear understanding of the background of the subject matter, a confident command of the issues and problems at stake, an admirable sensitivity to the positions of the peoples and countries involved, as yesterday in Turkey, and any number of times during the recent European trip.

We are fortunate to have an intelligent, reasonable, and sensitive man at the helm. These qualities while they ought to have been the rule in all our presidents, in too many have not been.

For the moment there has not yet been enough time to know that these qualities will lead to positive outcomes in one or more of the problem areas that confront us. In Iraq in the present instance Obama’s words, encouraging the Iraqis to take control of their own destinies, may not have that power, no more than the wise words of a parent to a child, a teacher to a student. We can only hope that they will.


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