Monthly Archives: October 2009

What is it that keeps peoples apart?

In respect to their biology, to their evolutionary history people are much alike, in fact almost exactly the same when compared with representatives of other species. Why is it therefore that the news accounts we read daily, in digital or hard copy, or hear about on the tube, are mostly if not only about the disenchantments and disagreements among the world’s peoples, real differences leading abroad, if not yet in our own country, to physical violence, firefights in which soldiers, insurgents, terrorists, and most of all innocent bystanders caught in the middle, will die?

The differences that are everywhere about us only rarely if ever stay in civilized, debate format, as, say, in Jim Lehrer-like led discussions on the subjects of health care, Afghan strategy, immigration policy and global warming. No, for underneath the differences, and even under the civilized discussions that do take place on National Public Radio, lie the real differences between peoples that keep them seemingly forever apart. These differences are not often talked about, probably to avoid the shouting matches that would follow.

Accounting for, if not satisfactorily explaining the differences, are the opposed beliefs that people hold.  For example, there are those who believe that Muslims are terrorists, that Socialism is evil, that Americans are imperialists, that Big Oil is why we went to war in Iraq, that our health care system is entirely in the hands of the big pharmaceutical and insurance companies, that rapidly expanding entitlement programs are destroying our country’s work ethic, that workers’ manufacturing jobs are being eliminating with no regard to the worker as our companies move our factories overseas, that single mothers on welfare are gaming the system etc.

The middle ground between all these positions is rapidly diminishing. People who would defend government programs as doing necessary work where private initiative has failed or is absent, are hardly ever listened to. Instead, they are rejected out of hand as belonging to the socialist camp.

People who would limit federal control of public goods, such as health care, education, the care of the environment, even social security, and instead promote private initiatives, helping them to grow and expand in all these areas, in some instances with government supporting vouchers, these people are rejected as not caring about their fellow citizens, as only caring about their own narrow and private interests and pleasures.

The result is that, instead of being subjects of civilized debate, the disagreements among us rapidly become shouting matches between true believers of this or that usually opposite position or principle. Health care is a right, it’s not a right; home ownership is a right, it’s not a right; taxation is the legalized theft of people’s hard earned money, taxation is a positive good providing revenues that buy life support for those most in need.

Furthermore both sides have adopted the paranoid position in politics, believing that their respective opponents are part of a vast conspiracy out to destroy them. The extreme “conservative” right (Glenn Beck, for example, Shawn Hannity) talks about a conspiracy to take away the country from the people. In their view new mountains of Government regulations injected into all spheres of life will bring individual entrepreneurship endeavors to a standstill.

The extreme “progressive” left (Swans.com, Huf Post writers for example) talks about a conspiracy to give our country (what still remains of it anyway in public hands, for this process has been going on for a long time, at least since the time of President Eisenhower who first mentioned it in 1961) over to the military-industrial complex.

In the view of the far left some 99% of country’s wealth has been stolen by the leaders of our large corporations and is being held by them for their own private enjoyment, and so far the Federal government has caved in to lobbyist pressure coming from these wealthy few not to redirect significant portions of the country’s wealth to the now hurting middle classes, if not to the poor.

To be continued….

Are government expenditures threatening the free enterprise system?

Sometimes I think that this is the only important question confronting the elected leaders of our democracy: Is it the proper and essential role of government to most of all promote fairness or opportunity?

Current government spending habits seem to come down on the side of fairness, given that current spending bills will, if nothing is done to change them, grow domestic programs by 12.1%, even with current inflation numbers running close to zero. (See: The Spending Rolls On)

Of course government should promote both fairness and opportunity, but as between liberty and equality a line between the two kinds of government action is almost impossible to draw, especially by the politicians who lead us and who are most of all bent on their own survival.

I’ve taken the following quotation from an op ed piece in today’s Wall Street Journal, Why Government Health Care Keeps Falling in the Polls, by Arthur Brooks, president of the American Enterprise Institute and author of “The Battle: How the Fight Between Free Enterprise and Big Government Will Shape America’s Future,” to be published by Basic Books next June.

Most people in the survey mentioned come down on the side of opportunity. Hard to believe in our rapidly expanding fairness by entitlement country. But “most people” hardly ever refers to “most members of Congress.”

“An April 2009 survey conducted by the polling firm Ayers, McHenry & Associates for the conservative nonprofit group Resurgent Republic asked respondents which of the following statements about the role of government came closer to their view: (a) ‘Government policies should promote fairness by narrowing the gap between rich and poor, spreading the wealth, and making sure that economic outcomes are more equal’; or (b) ‘Government policies should promote opportunity by fostering job growth, encouraging entrepreneurs, and allowing people to keep more of what they earn.’ Sixty-three percent chose the second option; just 31% chose the first.”

The Pursuit of Happiness

My daughter, actually one of my four daughters, has just recently made me aware of an interesting and provocative commentary by her former thesis adviser, John Sterman, the Jay W. Forrester Professor of Management at MIT’s Sloan School.

The piece was part of an email exchange between Professor Sterman and the NYTimes’s Andrew Revkin, in response to Revkin’s query about whether the recent consumption slowdown was, in the long run, a good thing.

Revkin posted Sterman’s comments along with those of others (including Gary Peter’s John Stuart Mill quotation — see my Blog of 10/22) on his Dot Earth Blog, all under the heading, Are You On a ‘Hedonic Treadmill.’

Sterman in his commentary regarding the consumption slowdown says it’s critically important “to separate the short-run, disequilibrium impact of consumer spending on business cycle dynamics from the long-run impact of consumption on the ability of the global ecosystem to support our economy.”

The dislocation in the short run is much less important than long run consumption patterns, for, as he would have it, the present recession is only temporary and as the imbalances are worked off the economy will recover and growth eventually resume.

The most interesting question for Sterman is how consumption patterns relate to long term growth paths and the ability of planetary ecosystems to support the economy.

“We have been consuming,” he says, “natural capital far faster than it regenerates, whether it’s fossil fuels, fish, forests, wetlands, or the capacity of the oceans and other sinks to take up greenhouse gases.”

At the same time he readily admits that global carrying capacity is a notoriously slippery notion to nail down, but then proceeds as if he had done so.

“In particular, the new ‘Planetary Boundaries’ paper,” forthcoming in Nature, as he informs us, “makes the case that humanity has overshot the global carrying capacity in a variety of key areas, including greenhouse gases, nitrogen, phosphorus, fresh water, land use, and biodiversity.”

At best his position here can be no more than a working hypothesis. Does anyone really know for sure the global carrying capacity of greenhouse gases, nitrogen, phosphorus and all the rest? I don’t think so.

Again, as he himself admits, carrying capacities are notoriously slippery concepts, and they obviously change over time as conditions change, and conditions always change.

But now Professor Sterman gets to what seems to me the real thrust of his commentary, not just another well done clarification of the present economic downturn, nor even well reasoned and definitive statements about the earth’s carrying capacities in regard to CO2, fresh water etc.

At this point in his argument the Professor begins an attack on what he sees as our dominant ethos, the drive for higher and higher per capita consumption, the ever greater accumulation of material goods, energy etc. In his opinion, this is not a good thing.

It’s not good, that “everyone wants more — a bigger home, a bigger TV, a fancier vacation, more stuff, more consumption, more than they consumed last year, more than their neighbors.” The clear implication is that we are going to surpass the earth’s capacity in order to support our “bad” consumption habits.

Furthermore Professor Sterman states definitely that, “there can be no technological solution to the problem.”  In other words technology is not going to enable us to grow indefinitely our consumption of material goods.

How does he know this? For wouldn’t history tend to support the opposite conclusion, that somehow man always seems to come up with technological fixes to whatever be the particular shortage or other problem confronting him.

It is at this point in his argument, that, rather than supporting with new evidence what does seem a reasonable position that the earth’s carrying capacity does have its limits, the Professor enters the moral realm. And ultimately his argument against the hedonic treadmill is a moral one, and in building his argument he mostly makes use of all too familiar anti-consumption clichés.

I’ve been hearing throughout my lifetime, perhaps even more so when I was a young man and probably by my young age more responsive to that sort of thing, that my happiness did not depend on material possessions. Or that happiness, or the pursuit of happiness, was not the same thing as the pursuit of property, as Thomas Jefferson himself would have had us believe by his words in the Declaration.

Professor Sterman really didn’t need to once again tell us that:

“the pursuit of more, so stunningly successful so far, has not increased our happiness”

“studies show that greater consumption per capita is only weakly associated with greater well-being or higher life-satisfaction”

“People tend to base their ‘needs’ … on the consumption of those they observe around them …feeling greater satisfaction when they have bigger houses and more expensive cars, and feeling deprived when they have relatively less.”

“we find ourselves in a no-win situation in which no level of income or consumption remains satisfying for long — [we are on] the hedonic treadmill.”

“people spend far more time working, commuting, and doing other aversive, unpleasant tasks, while the time spent in satisfying activities such as building friendships and intimate relationships, athletics, spirituality, self-improvement, etc. is small.”

“People move to distant suburbs far from their jobs so they can afford a larger house, thinking this will make them happier, but don’t adequately account for extra hours they must work to pay off the mortgage and the way their long commute erodes their happiness by stealing time they could be spending with their spouse and children, friends and community.”

“even if there were no environmental constraints to endless growth, even if the capacity of the planet to support material consumption where infinite, growth in material consumption, the never-ending quest for more stuff, is not taking us where we want to go.”

One would like to believe, along with John Sterman, (and John Stuart Mill and many others) that things were really that simple, that we needed only to abandon our excessive consumption habits, our continually wanting to have more, more than our neighbors, and that in order to be happy we needed only to spend more time with ourselves and our families.

One would like to believe that. I know I’ve left comfortable positions in my own life thinking that happiness would come by my not being so vitally interested in financial success. But I’ve since learned that to be happy one need no more go without the material advantages of modern technological society, than to have acquired all those same technological advantages. There is not yet a happiness formula.

Our happiness is not so easily boxed in. I certainly find myself happy sometimes for what I have in my possession. A Kindle? A new MacBook? At other times I find myself no less happy for not having much of anything at all, perhaps only a part in a conversation with friends around a kitchen table in a 14th floor high rise apartment in Moscow in May of 1991, after having heard, with those same friends, Boris Yeltsin addressing the crowds in Manege Square.

Regarding happiness we can’t be, as the Professor, so sure of ourselves. Most would think that a winning lottery ticket would be a ticket to happiness. Are they wrong?

I tend to agree with a comment by Judith Warner, also in the NYTimes, who says:

“I have a problem with studies that measure nebulous emotional states…. Happiness [a highly nebulous emotional state], after all, is hard to quantify; you can’t measure it in a blood test, or map it in a mathematical equation corresponding to patterns of neuronal activity in the brain. It also tends to be relative; we judge our happiness, at least in part, against our expectations of how we are supposed to feel and how good we think life is supposed to be.”

But then you have John Sterman, a well isolated, well insulated, well protected Sloan School professor, talking about happiness, a “nebulous emotional state” if there ever was one, as if it was something that could be quantified, as if he could judge its presence among us, and even on what it most depended.

And what’s most surprising is that this discussion of happiness, an unquantifiable entity if there ever was one, comes from an MIT professor, a numbers guy, one who ought to have remained occupied with those things we can measure, mass, length, time, and any number of other such quantifiable variables.

More on the Nobel Peace Prize

Quick, how many winners of the Nobel Peace Prize can you name? Probably a few of your own countrymen? Barack Obama, Al Gore, Jimmy Carter? Anyone else? Well going back a bit further, to 1993, probably Nelson Mandela (and Fredrik Willem De Klerk), and going way back to 1964, Martin Luther King Jr.  You’d probably like to forget that Yasser Arafat and Henry Kissinger were among the prize winners.

Maybe you have a couple of favorites. I do. Aung San Suu Kyi, the Burmese opposition leader, Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev, who probably more than anyone else of the past century substantially changed the world for the better (and made peace more likely?) by his own actions, Lech Walesa of Solidarity fame, Norman Borlaug, who almost single handedly by his own personal contributions to the Green Revolution (those new agricultural techniques that prevented otherwise expected global famines) ended the fear that rising world population numbers would condemn millions to death by starvation.

But if you were to look for whatever it was that characterized the Peace Prize, whatever it was that the winners had in common, you’d look in vain. For there is probably very little, other than the prize itself, that they share.

You’d probably like to see as I, in a listing of the Peace Price winners, a long series of Martin Luther Kings, Nelson Mandelas, and Aung San Suu Kyis, all those who were by their own words and actions following the example of Gandhi and struggling against oppression in their own lands, utilizing like Gandhi before them, the power of their own non-violent, strong, and courageous stands.

But such people as these are, of course, the exceptions. Unlike the Peace Prize they don’t appear every year. Hence the large number of winners whose awards are immediately questioned by the world’s press. The Norwegian Prize givers ought to have given far fewer prizes, and made it clearer from the beginning what the award was meant to honor.

All this to say that I think we have right now a valid recipient for the award, one in the tradition of Gandhi that I mention above. The Norwegian prize givers would have done much better, made the prize much more influential and prestigious, more like the other Nobels, if they had stated from the beginning that their prize would be awarded to an individual whose actions were most clearly in the Gandhi, and later King and Mandela, tradition. But, of course, they didn’t do this.

My proposed Peace Prize recipient is Mehdi Karroubi, a 72 year old Iranian cleric, who at the present moment, almost by himself, is speaking truth to arbitrary power, much as King and Gandhi, risking his own life while resisting, by his fearless public utterances, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Ahmadinejad, and the other illegitimate ruler/thugs of today’s Iran.

To read a full account of Mehdi Karroubi go to Michael Slackman’s article in the NYTimes,  A Lone Cleric is Loudly Defying Iran’s Leaders.

In Karroubi’s own words in a letter he wrote to the Iranian natrion:

“If only I were not alive and had not seen the day when in the Islamic republic a citizen would come to me and complain that every variety of appalling and unnatural act would be done in unknown buildings and by less-known people, stripping people and making them face each other and subjecting them to vile insults and urinating in their faces…. I say to myself, ‘Where indeed have we arrived 30 years after the revolution?’ ”

“It is not good for man to be kept perforce at all times in the presence of his species.” John Stuart Mill

The year when he wrote this, some 161 years ago, was 1848, in Europe a year of revolutions. Then, as now, technological change was revolutionizing the life of the working classes. From Wikipedia: “A popular press extended political awareness, and new values and ideas such as popular liberalism, nationalism and socialism began to spring up. A series of economic downturns and crop failures, particularly those in the year 1846, produced starvation among peasants and the working urban poor.”

This was also the year that Karl Marx published his The Communist Manifesto. At the time of course the workers of the world, who were to revolt, had little solidarity and practically no organization. Behind the revolutions of ’48 was rather a middle class desire for liberal reforms.

What, if any influence did these revolutionary stirrings taking place in numerous European cities have on the writings of John Stuart Mill I have no idea. But these times, his times had much in common with ours. And his writing is no less relevant today than then.

This quotation comes from John Stuart Mill’s Principles of Political Economy (1848), written at a time when the population of the world had just reached one billion, 23 million of whom, compared to over 300 million now, were living in the United States.

I take the quoted passage from an email comment I happened to see, from Gary Peters posted on Andrew C. Revkin‘s Dot Earth Blog web site. Mill’s words are pretty amazing, I’m sure you’ll agree. And they’re a joy to read.

How many writers from the past are there who have important things to say to us about our own times? Countless numbers of them, I’m sure. Most often, however, and not surprising, although much to be regretted, their writings don’t reach us in the present.

Here is John Stuart Mill: 

“There is room in the world, no doubt, and even in old countries, for a great increase of population, supposing the arts of life to go on improving, and capital to increase. But even if innocuous, I confess I see very little reason for desiring it. The density of population necessary to enable mankind to obtain, in the greatest degree, all the advantages both of cooperation and of social intercourse, has, in all the most populous countries, been attained. A population may be too crowded, though all be amply supplied with food and raiment. It is not good for man to be kept perforce at all times in the presence of his species. A world from which solitude is extirpated, is a very poor ideal. Solitude, in the sense of being often alone, is essential to any depth of meditation or of character; and solitude in the presence of natural beauty and grandeur, is the cradle of thoughts and aspirations which are not only good for the individual, but which society could ill do without. Nor is there much satisfaction in contemplating the world with nothing left to the spontaneous activity of nature; with every rood of land brought into cultivation, which is capable of growing food for human beings; every flowery waste or natural pasture ploughed up, all quadrupeds or birds which are not domesticated for man’s use exterminated as his rivals for food, every hedgerow or superfluous tree rooted out, and scarcely a place left where a wild shrub or flower could grow without being eradicated as a weed in the name of improved agriculture. If the earth must lose that great portion of its pleasantness which it owes to things that the unlimited increase of wealth and population would extirpate from it, for the mere purpose of enabling it to support a larger but not a better or a happier population, I sincerely hope, for the sake of posterity, that they will be content to be stationary, long before necessity compels them to it.

“It is scarcely necessary to remark that a stationary condition of capital and population implies no stationary state of human improvement. There would be as much scope as ever for all kinds of mental culture, and moral and social progress; as much room for improving the Art of Living, and much more likelihood of its being improved, when minds ceased to be engrossed by the art of getting on. Even the industrial arts might be as earnestly and as successfully cultivated, with this sole difference, that instead of serving no purpose but the increase of wealth, industrial improvements would produce their legitimate effect, that of abridging labour. . . . Only when, in addition to just institutions, the increase of mankind shall be under the deliberate guidance of judicious foresight, can the conquests made from the powers of nature by the intellect and energy of scientific discoverers, become the common property of the species, and the means of improving and elevating the universal lot.”

Schott’s Weekend Competition: Define Age

This week Schott’s Vocab is soliciting definitions of age.

Lord Cecil suggested: “Old age is the out-patients’ department of purgatory.”

Mark Twain is said to have stated: “Age is an issue of mind over matter.
If you don’t mind, it doesn’t matter.”

Bernard Baruch claimed: “I will never be an old man. To me, old age is always fifteen years older than I am.”

Billie Burke argued: “Age is something that doesn’t matter, unless you are a cheese.”

Here are two of my own:

Age never surprises; it just sneaks up on you.

Age is what’s left when you’ve lost everything else.

The threat to Pakistan

9/11 made it become a priority for us, the threat of Al Qaeda taking precedence, at least for a time, over health care, education, illegal immigrants, and global warming, and we set our sights on terrorists and terrorism. And so far we’ve successfully confined the threat, or at least the attacks, to foreign soil.

Will Pakistan’s leaders, undergoing their own seemingly unending 9/11, as they are attacked by Al Qaeda and Taliban fighters, not on foreign soil, but at home, and repeatedly, most recently in Lahore in the Punjab in the very heart of their country, finally unite in opposition to the threat and destroy their attackers? Still an open question.

The attackers, more and more of them, are all too ready and willing to give up their own lives in order to destroy one or more of their enemies by their own self destruction. And so far no one seems to have an answer for them.

Instead bombers have it for the most part all going their own blown-up way. Or at least nothing we do seems to get in their way. (The Israeli army does seem to have slowed them down, or at least kept them out of Israel proper.)

Afghanistan illustrates perfectly how the suicide threat grows and grows, almost as a direct function of the increasing number of soldiers sent out against it. For the principal effect of more soldiers is more suicide attackers and more homemade bombs. You’d think we would keep our soldiers home, as Vice-President Biden advises!

In an op ed piece in today’s Times Robert A. Pape, with a lot of numbers, makes the situation clear. Let’s hope that the Pakistan military, as it scales up its own war with the Taliban, will not undergo our own experience, creating almost a new bomber with each new soldier sent out into the field.

And the bomber, of course, is at an advantage, having nothing to lose, or rather nothing he or she wants to hold on to.

Here is Robert Pape in his own words:

“….Then, in 2005, the United States and NATO began to systematically extend their military presence across Afghanistan. The goals were to defeat the tiny insurgency that did exist at the time, eradicate poppy crops and encourage local support for the central government. Western forces were deployed in all major regions, including the Pashtun areas in the south and east, and today have ballooned to more than 100,000 troops.

“As Western occupation grew, the use of the two most worrisome forms of terrorism in Afghanistan — suicide attacks and homemade bombs — escalated in parallel. There were no recorded suicide attacks in Afghanistan before 2001. According to data I have collected, in the immediate aftermath of America’s conquest, the nation experienced only a small number: none in 2002, two in 2003, five in 2004 and nine in 2005.

“But in 2006, suicide attacks began to increase by an order of magnitude — with 97 in 2006, 142 in 2007, 148 in 2008 and more than 60 in the first half of 2009. Moreover, the overwhelming percentage of the suicide attacks (80 percent) has been against United States and allied troops or their bases rather than Afghan civilians, and nearly all (95 percent) carried out by Afghans.

“The pattern for other terrorist attacks is almost the same. The most deadly involve roadside bombs that detonate on contact or are set off by remote control. Although these weapons were a relatively minor nuisance in the early years of the occupation, with 782 attacks in 2005, their use has shot up since — to 1,739 in 2006, nearly 2,000 in 2007 and more than 3,200 last year. Again, these attacks have for the most part been carried out against Western combat forces, not Afghan targets.”

Truths about Healthcare and Education

Today two op ed writers, Bret Stephens in the Wall Street Journal  and William Easterly in the Financial Times, express fundamental truths, the one about education and the other about health care, truths not shared or even recognized by our politicians, but that if they ever were could become powerful driving forces behind significant education and health care reforms, both of which at the present time seem to be going nowhere.

Bret Stephen’s truth about education? Education is not, as too many of us would like to have it, the solution to whatever be the problem. There is certainly no evidence that good schools make for a better world, or that just by attending school kids become good citizens. There is ample evidence on the contrary that schools, in particular the failed and failing schools of the inner cities, of which there are myriads, may be making the world worse.

The truth? Stop looking to education for what it can’t do. Look to it, at best, for what it should be doing, imparting skills and knowledge. With some we do this very well, in particular with those who attend our elite colleges and universities.

With others, with far too many, we do this very poorly. All our school reform efforts ought to be directed entirely at making whatever changes are necessary to enable larger numbers of kids to acquire new skills and knowledge. We ought not to be looking to the education of our kids to solve our adult problems.

Here is how Bret Stephens in today’s Wall Street Journal, A Perfect Nobel Pick, The committee didn’t recognize Truman, after all, puts it:

The “Goodists” are the people who believe all conflict stems from avoidable misunderstanding. Who think that the world’s evils spring from technologies, systems, complexes and everything else except from the hearts of men, where love abides. Who mistake wishes for possibilities. Who put a higher premium on their own moral intentions than on the efficacy of their actions. Who champion education as the solution, whatever the problem.

And William Easterly’s truth about health care? A right to health care cannot be, in spite of all the rhetoric to the contrary, a fundamental right, like those of freedom of movement, speech, association, equal protection under the law etc.

Why not? Because there is no reasonable end point to that right. When, for example, has one received all the care that could possibly improve one’s physical and mental systems? There will always be another test one might undergo, another new treatment one might try, another medical opinion one might seek.

At some point the right to health care has to be ended because the cost of providing the care will have exceeded our ability to pay for it. Either there will be those who will be left out entirely, as now in the case of the uninsured or those with “pre-existing conditions,” or treatments will be strictly rationed, in accordance with what acceptable criteria?

When only some speech is allowed we might do well to avoid the expression a right to free speech.  Because what we really mean is a right to say certain things, and not others. That’s not so much a right as a permission from those who make the rules.

Similarly when the right to health care means only a right to certain generic drugs, physical exams, one or two xrays a year etc., or some more realistic combination, we would do better not to talk about a right, but rather, as in the case of limited free speech, of the treatments that are currently permitted by those in power, these at best being at least those we can pay for.

Here is how William Easterly puts it, in the Financial times of October 12, Human Rights are the Wrong Basis for Healthcare. The BOLD is mine:

The pragmatic approach – directing public resources to where they have the most health benefits for a given cost – historically achieved far more than the moral approach. In the US and other rich countries, a “right to health” is a claim on funds that has no natural limit, since any of us could get healthier with more care. We should learn from the international experience that this “right” skews public resources towards the most politically effective advocates, who will seldom be the neediest.

Paul Krugman has it all wrong.

Paul Krugman has it all wrong in a recent NYTimes op ed piece. “If you had to explain America’s economic success with one word,” he writes, “that word would be ‘education.’” Op Ed writers, even Nobel Prize winners such as Paul Krugman, ought to avoid writing about subjects about which their own knowledge and experience is definitely limited.

One might even question if economic success has ever depended on education? Russia’s, and before that the Soviet Union’s, economic successes, what there was/is of them, depended and depends almost entirely on oil and natural gas riches, and wasn’t much helped by what was, in the Soviet Union, an excellent school system (at least for the relatively few who were the beneficiaries).

One might make a case for education being all important in the continued economic success of, and especially, Germany and Japan, but also of the other developed countries, but when one looks more closely at these countries one sees that it’s much more the culture and the traditions of the people that explain the work ethic, which in turn is most behind their successes.

In America there are other, much better explanations of our economic success than as Krugman would have it, our schools. Three come immediately to mind, (although no one of them would be sufficient by itself): The wealth of natural resources (also present during pre-Colombian times when substantial economic success was unknown), democratic governance, and a free market permitting and encouraging the creation and exchange of unlimited quantities of both goods and ideas.

But even these three by themselves would not be enough. Take Canada, for example, which hasn’t known our economic success in spite of a wealth of natural resources, democratic governance, and the free market of goods and ideas.

What is lacking in Canada is people. And in fact one might say that immigration, of all the factors mentioned, most accounts for our economic success. Thousands, hundreds of thousands of people have always freely come here, pell-mell as Tom Wolfe would say, and more than anything else have been responsible for this country’s economic growth and prosperity.

Look out! Some of our politicians are trying to stop this. As if we could do without the constant resupply of people who most want to be here, and who are ready to work in order to obtain for themselves what we already have. We can’t do without them and we certainly should stop trying to keep them from coming here.

Krugman is right in that the overall performance of our schools is unsatisfactory. But this has always been true. This is not more prevalent now than in the past.

But he is outright wrong to put down the real achievements of our schools (more about this below). And he is wrong to say that more money is what the schools need. The debate about the importance of additional funding in school reform efforts has been over for a long time. It’s not important.

But Krugman’s greatest mistake is to overlook that small segment of our school population that has always done extraordinarily well (and accounts for our economic success?). And is he even aware that many of these children who have done best of all have been the children of immigrants to our shores? This in itself is an extraordinary success story.

Was it the schools, or the strong work ethic and ambition that these children brought with them that most accounted for their success? My vote would go to the latter.

In any case, regardless of our failure to educate many of our young people in our K-12 public schools, especially those of the inner city, we do have a highly successful, probably the world’s best, system of higher education. Our colleges, and in particular our graduate schools and research universities occupy 17 of the top 20 places in the Academic Ranking of World Universities (ARWU), 37 of the top 50.

This is today. This situation is not in decline. Bright young men and women continue to flock to our graduate schools from other countries, making up nearly one half of our graduate student population. And many of these students will choose to remain in this country, thus strengthening our economy and contributing not insignificantly to its success.

One might even say that our universities most account for our economic success, but only because they are continually resupplied by the world’s best and brightest young people, and, no less important, because our democratic political system, our emphasis on individual rights and responsibilities, and our active promotion of a free market exchange of goods and ideas encourages them to remain here and go to work.

What is one to think, other than we must be doing a lot of things right when we read, as we have just recently that the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine goes to three Americans (two women to boot), that the Nobel Prize in Physics goes to three men, all with U.S. citizenship, two of whom did their Nobel work at the Bell Laboratories in NJ, and that the Nobel Prize in Chemistry goes to two men, one American, one Brit, and an Israeli woman?

O.K. The prizes were for work done years ago, but is there any indication that similar good work is not going on right now in our public and private work spaces and laboratories? Somehow our educational system, with all its faults, and with its admittedly great failure to educate all of our young people, is in some all important ways leading the world into the future. And no other country is doing this as well as we are.

Ross Douthat in today’s Times

Many of my “idle thoughts” line up closely with Ross Douthat’s column in today’s Times. He begins by pointing out that the latest census figures show that the gap between the wealthiest Americans and everybody else is widening.

This puts the Democrats on the spot because more than the Republicans they have made it almost their raison d’être to bring about a lessening of the income gap. On the spot because now they control the executive and legislative branches of the government.

But, as Douthat makes clear, the usual Democratic response to inequality, juggling the tax code, will not this time be enough. And in any case this will not happen because the Democrats, no less than the Republicans, are now the party of the rich.

At this point Douthat’s argument becomes most convincing. To create a more egalitarian America, he says, we (at the present time the Democrats) would have to address the real trends that are driving the income inequality gap, trends that run much deeper than the tax code.

These trends are principally three, the present high numbers of low-skilled immigrants entering the country, the collapse of the two parent household, and the dismal failure of the cartel, or educational establishment responsible for educating the nation’s poorest children.

Douthat reminds us that to buck and then reverse these trends the Democrats would have to turn against three of their most important constituencies, Latinos, single parents, and the teacher unions. And they are not about to do that.

The way out? For the Democrats it may well be to follow the European example and enlarge the public sector. For when this happens, as the Europeans have shown, the income distribution is more egalitarian.

The rub, Douthat cautions — ever larger government, will bring with it ever slower growth.