Archive for January 2011

How did the President answer the question?

January 31, 2011

We learn that the President, when asked as to his race for the 2010 census, checked only one box –Black. (See this NYtimes piece, Black? White? Asian? More Young Americans Choose All of the Above, by Susan Saulny.)

Why didn’t he check both Black and White? Because isn’t that what he is? Well he’s at least that, probably a lot more too, like all the rest of us.

Is our President avoiding the truth about himself? Here, and elsewhere the truth about the country?

In answer to the question, how do we reduce the nation’s deficit, why doesn’t he check the box –by reforming, if not cutting the principal entitlement programs? The answer is not –by cutting discretionary spending.

Are our President’s words and actions first and foremost all about being reelected?

Peggy Noonan on the President’s “no interest in making cuts”

January 30, 2011

In her WSJ column, this one regarding the President’s State of the Union address, Peggy Noonan has this to say:

‘[The President] signaled no interest in making cuts, which suggested that he continues not to comprehend America’s central anxiety about government spending: that it will crush our children, constrict the economy in which they operate, make America poorer, lower its standing in the world, and do in the American dream.”

Yet the Americans, those supposedly stricken with anxiety over excessive government spending, have shown no interest in “making cuts” either. In their majority,  a fillibuster beating 3/4 of them, they make it clear that they won’t allow their elected representatives to cut Medicare, Social Security, or Medicaid,– well perhaps they’ll make a small exception in regard to Medicaid because this spending goes directly not to them but to the poor, and the poor, of course, are not well represented in Washington. In any case without entitlement cuts no significant spending reductions are possible.

One understands the politicians, Republicans and Democrats alike, who have no interest in cutting entitlement spending, who won’t even talk about it (for them it’s obviously a third rail). They know all too well that if they were to propose such cuts they would not be reelected. And a politician who doesn’t want to be returned to office, do you know any? It’s a most rare bird. The last one was probably George Washington, and before him, there was the Roman, Cincinnatus.

Noonan doesn’t understand the President. Well I don’t understand Noonan. No one is going to touch the entitlements. The Americans don’t want it. The President knows this, and he simply wants to be reelected, that’s all.

Work and Fun, the “Chinese parents” would see a connection where there may be none

January 27, 2011

Every day  the thoughts of others provoke thoughts of my own. Reading the written words of others rather than by listening is how I expand my own vision, my own world. Of course it didn’t have to be that way, but long ago words on paper, rather than words on air, became my principal means of interacting with the world outside.

And it’s true that from one day to the next I hear little or nothing that excites or interests me. Kind of over and over again, throughout the day, or at least when I’m out and not home surrounded by my books with the ideas of others, what I hear mostly is what I would call the words of the girl at the check-out counter, her “Have a good day.”

Now as I think about it I suppose the very first time her words were said, or at least the very first time they were said in my hearing, I might very well have responded favorably and said to myself, “Well, yes, I’ll try. Thanks very much. We should all make that effort to have a good day.” But of course these words, like most if not all words that are repeated endlessly, have long lost their freshness and meaning.

Now let me move on to words on paper where I’m most at home, my preferred means of communication with others. I read about two weeks ago, like many others I’m sure, Amy Chua’s WSJ op ed piece, Why Chinese Mothers Are Superior.  And like many others I enjoyed the article, and was particularly struck by these words of the author:

“What Chinese parents understand is that nothing is fun until you’re good at it. To get good at anything you have to work, and children on their own never want to work,…”

My first response was yes, the Chinese parents are right, because right now I’m teaching myself the calculus and most of all I have to work at it, and right now it’s not “fun” at all. And already I can sense that as I become more knowledgeable, and at some not too distant time in the future, as I become fluent, my enjoyment of the calculus will grow correspondingly, and I look forward already to at that time having fun.

But also almost right away I questioned the wisdom of the Chinese parents. Did they really know what they were talking about? For, as I said to myself, what about sex, eating, roughhousing, play, all the kinds of things that kids seem to enjoy doing, well before their being “good at them,” in fact probably while even being terrible at them.

I think of my own grandchildren and all they can’t do, and the obvious clear enjoyment on their faces even when not being able to do something, missing the basket, for example, with the ball, the ball with the bat, and other such things, and laughing about it, and yes, having fun.

Although this is not, probably, true of all activities, probably not true of learning to play a musical instrument. For from the sounds coming from the violin in the hands of a beginner it’s hard to imagine that she could be having fun. There is certainly no fun in listening to her play. A drum may be the one exception to this rule concerning most if not all musical instruments, that being why, probably, so many kids are beating on drums rather than playing flutes and cellos.

Furthermore is it always the case that when you get really good at something you most enjoy it?

What does the NBA star, Shaq O’Neal enjoy most, being an immovable low post just outside the paint, at which he is an expert, alongside, say, Dwight Howard, another low post expert, vying with Shaq with elbows and knees for the very same post space? Or being, probably for the first time in his life and without a clue as to what he should be doing or how he should be acting in a brand new situation where he is no expert, such as while recently a visitor to Harvard Square, and while there being a kind of moving high post, or, given his size, almost a monument, and while all the time surrounded by admiring and fascinated Harvard students who just want to experience this man up close?

In other words the newness, the freshness of some activities, such as this visit to Harvard Square, may be the very best that we will ever have of them. The young married couple would look at you as if you were crazy if you told them that the things happening between them would get even better than that first week, that they couldn’t yet really know what true marriage was all about, let alone know that much about what they were, or could be doing in bed.

So conclusions to what Amy has to say about what the Chinese parents believe? There are a couple that come to mind.

I would agree first of all that it is the truly rare person, no less rare than a Mozart or Einstein (in neither of whom we ever felt or saw any work behind the achievement) who can be good at something without hard work.

But then again most of us, even when we work hard at something, never get really good at it. I think of the number of things I’ve worked at in this life and the few of them, if any, that would get me the “really good at what he’s doing” designation.

And my other conclusion. Whence comes the fun, the enjoyment from what one does? For the fun may have absolutely no relation to the work that has gone into the preparation. Fun is probably not at all a function of the work.

In fact, fun, enjoyment, all that sort of thing, may not be things we can by our efforts and planning, by our hard work, make happen. And ultimately real enjoyment, perhaps the highest form of fun, may be more like grace, coming or not coming to us regardless of our own efforts to enrich our lives.

The only Gap that counts

January 26, 2011

Why can’t we as a whole, a whole country, including all of us, our politicians in and out of office, our media pundits, why can’t we accept that people are not equal, that outcomes, lives, will always be unequal, that inequality, more or less flagrant and unabashed, is here to stay, a principal ingredient of who and what we are, let alone the world we live in?

Instead we talk endlessly about inequalities, achievement gaps and the like, and how to diminish if not eliminate them. There are those, liberals, or better, progressives, who would eliminate the gaps, make us by enacting various government programs, more equal. And there are the conservatives, and even more so the libertarians, who mostly attribute inequalities to the failure of individuals, and groups, to behave responsibly and who deny in any case that it is within the power of government to eliminate them.

Liberals and progressives assume that governments can make people certainly more equal, if not whole. They not without reason point to successful government entitlement programs, including Medicaid, Medicare, and to a lesser extent Social Security (“lesser,” in that the program is funded in part by the workers themselves, with payments over their working lives) as being all examples of successful government actions to lessen some inequalities of conditions and incomes.

Conservatives, when they’re not afraid of being run out of office (which is hardly ever) and, much more convincingly, libertarians, will point to these same government programs as having in too many instances terminally weakened individual and family responsibilities in respect to providing temporary support as well as long term care for their own, thereby augmenting rather than diminishing inequality.

Now one of the very greatest sources of our giving too much importance to inequality, of growing the separations between us, is the schools. It wasn’t supposed to be this way. The schools were supposed to bring us together.

The schools, rather than showing us how unlike, how interesting and, yes, how talented are all children, have mostly shown us, instead, how unequal children are. Indeed, one might trace the origins of inequality, of achievement gaps and all the rest, to the schools.

The schools while right about insisting that all children can learn have done irreparable harm in innumerable cases by insisting that all children can learn this particular subject matter and in this particular way.

One shouldn’t be surprised now by what we see, by what we are told about the schools, by the fact that only 6% of our high school students score at an advanced level in mathematics, by the fact that half of our high school graduates are reading at 8th grade levels, by the fact that nearly a third drop out of school before graduation, by the fact that well over half of those that do go on to some form of schooling after high school do not finish.

And the list of failures, inequalities, achievement gaps, all created by our educational system, could go on without end. And it didn’t have to be this way.

We might have seen schooling as our chance to guide young people into becoming what their needs, talents, and interests promised, and not have seen schooling as a time to make all kids learn, in spite of their differences, whatever skills and knowledge we held most in favor, such as today, the so-called STEM subjects, science, technology, engineering, and mathematics.

Here is an example of the sort of thing that the schools would impart to our young people, some of the skills they are expected to learn, a learning which, as Leon Botstein admits in the quote that follows, doesn’t often happen. And Botstein doesn’t even mention mathematics and the number skills, the source of the school’s greatest failures and making for the largest achievement gaps. And I quote:

“High school graduates — a rapidly dwindling elite — come to college entirely unaccustomed to close reading, habits of disciplined analysis, skills in writing reasoned arguments and a basic grasp of the conduct, methods and purposes of science.”

Now Botstein is not alone. Any number of commentators have pointed to the failure of our schools to transmit these and other such cognitive skills to many if not most of their students.

But why should these particular skills be singled out as being all that important? In fact, what we have most of all done by stressing these sorts of skills, has insured that large numbers of our students will fail, and even more important will begin to see themselves as failures.

How many adults, let alone children, do you know, who are accustomed to close reading, possess habits of disciplined analysis, skills in writing reasoned arguments, anything like a basic grasp of the conduct, methods and purposes of science. I don’t know any, or at least I’m not in close contact with any.

In any case, why should these skills, and others like them, in fact any ones in particular, any particular knowledge, be held up as being essential, and that if not acquired gaining for the unsuccessful student the failure label?

Well the answer is that we have a particular idea of schooling, and certainly one that is not, given the results up until now, appropriate for all, one that probably stems from the 19th. century and from people who were at least themselves deeply entrenched in a classical and academic education, probably people who were accustomed to Leon Botstein’s “close reading” and all the rest.

Now there is so much more to being human, than, say, the close reading of a text, disciplined analysis, the writing reasoned arguments. And, in fact, a close reading of the classics themselves ought to have told us this.

There is much else. There are the virtues, courage, loyalty and all the rest; there are the intelligences, spacial and verbal and the others; there are the varieties of music, and dance. There are sports, and crafts, and any number of vocations. There are the fine arts. There is no end of the things that children might be helped to learn, not all of them, but only those that correspond to their individual talents and interests.

And instead, what do we go on doing? We tell them that these particular school subjects will most enable them to go to a good college and eventually get a good paying job and all the rest. And of course these particular school subjects hold no attraction for most of them, and the gaps and the failures that result from lack of interest and/or lack of talent, and the real inequalities, all spring to the fore.

Real inequalities because there’s no possibility of every child learning, in a reasonable amount of time in class in school, the elements of, say, the pre-calculus, let alone the calculus. And I say this knowing full well what Jaime Escalante, who died just last year, accomplished at Garfield High School in East Los Angeles in the 1970s and 80s.

The truly amazing thing to me has always been that we see those young children settling down at their desks on their very first day of school as being somehow all of the same clay to be fashioned into something by us, its eventual form and nature to be determined by us, not by who they are (whom we don’t yet even know), not by what they bring with them to their first day of school.

Imagine a society when, at 5 or 6 years of age everyone had to attend a Chess Academy, for five or six hour days a week, 180 days or more a year. An Academy where everyone was to become a chess player. One had only to stay in school some 12 years, and throughout follow the instructions and directions of those in charge.

Well would you then be surprised at a high dropout rate? Would you be surprised at kids turning to drugs, alcohol, gang membership. Would you be surprised by the large numbers of pregnant teens? Would you be surprised by the multiple “failures.”

Of course not. And yet our schools for most kids are just as irrelevant to their own lives as the Chess Academy for these. There is something that every kid can do well, something that will engage his interest and effort. For too many, probably for most kids, the schools have done little or nothing to find out what these things are.

And that is the only gap that counts, the gap between what the kids with better guidance from a young age could be doing with their lives, and what instead too many of them are doing, or rather not doing right now.

Jeb Bush, Common Sense on Immigration

January 17, 2011

The Republican Party continues to support expensive and mostly futile efforts to stop both the flow of drugs and illegals into our country whereas the country, in particular large numbers of its citizens, continues to welcome both.

Our own history tells us, has told us over and over again, that drug use, no more than alcohol during prohibition, and illegal border crossings now, that for most of our history were not even illegal, will not be stopped by tighter controls at the border.

In fact there are only two proven ways to stop both the flow of drugs and illegals into our country. And the one, ending the drug use by large numbers of our citizens, is not even within the power of government and its succession of Drug Czars to bring about. Only individuals deciding to free themselves from the habit can make that happen.

The other, the flow of illegals, will continue no matter what we do along the border as long as the country remains, what it has been throughout its history, a land, probably still the land of opportunity.

Aspiring peoples from lands where there are few opportunities to improve their lot will continue to come here, and will not be stopped. Nor should they be because their coming, itself a good sign of our continued prosperity, will go on to serve not insignificantly, as these peoples are assimilated, to insure the continuation of the very prosperity that brought them here in the first place.

The Republicans ought to abandon both efforts, and let the borders be, come what may. For they can’t win in regard to either one or the other. At least in regard to their drug policies they’re only losing our money. In regard to their ill conceived immigration policies they are losing hearts and souls.

And they are rapidly (and mindlessly) losing the no less rapidly growing Latino vote. And it is probably not too far fetched to assume that the Latino vote will eventually destroy them as a national political party.

In regard to the Latino population and its growing power in the country the numbers don’t lie. Here are a few:

There are some 50 million Latinos (in as much as one can even group them altogether into a single segment of the population — one probably can’t), legal citizens all, in the United States, as of the end of last year, making Latinos the nation’s largest ethnic or racial minority. That’s 16 percent of the total population.

The projected Latino population for 2050 is 133 million, making it by that date 30% of the nation’s population. In 2007 there were 2.3 million Latino-owned businesses, up 43.6 percent from 2002. Receipts generated by those businesses were $345 billion, up 55.5 percent from 2002.

In 2009 there were 935,000 Latinos 25 and older with advanced degrees (e.g., master’s, professional, doctorate). There were 79,440 chief executives, 50,866 physicians and surgeons; 48,720 postsecondary teachers; 38,532 lawyers; and 2,726 news analysts, reporters and correspondents.

Finally, and something the Republicans should make particular note of, there were 9.7 million Latino citizens who reported voting in the 2008 presidential election, about 2 million more than voted just four years earlier, in 2004. And there are 1.1 million Latino veterans of the armed forces.

Among the Republican leaders only Jeb Bush seems to get it. And other than being probably handicapped by being another Bush he is certainly at the present time their most attractive presidential candidate, even though Bush himself claims not to be such.

Bush was popular among the Latinos in Florida during his two terms as governor of that state. And it didn’t hurt (and would help) that his wife is of Mexican origin, Mexican origin being shared by some two thirds of the Latinos in the United States.

Today in a Wall Street Journal op ed piece Jeb Bush responds to questions from Mary Anastasia O’Grady. He shows his common sens on immigration, and the Republican Party  would do well to adopt his immigration “platform.”

“Latinos aren’t monolithic,” Bush says, “but all immigrants—the newly arrived and the second generation—share one trait: They’re aspirational. Conservative candidates, therefore, should promote policies that reward people who are aspirational.”

O’Grady goes on to say that Bush did just that, and that 60% of Democratic Latino voters supported his re-election in 2002.

Bush again: “One problem for Republicans the tone of our message is one of ‘them and us’ sometimes.” At least that’s what gets “magnified in the press,” with immigration policy being the flash point. It’s “a shame, because Republicans and immigrants have a lot in common. But if you send a signal that we really don’t want you as part of our team, they’re not going to join.”

O’Grady suggests that today’s recent immigrants are natural Democrats, as they were at earlier times, perhaps because the Democrats promise more entitlements, and immigrants tend to be on the lower economic rungs. But Bush disagrees:

“There are people who believe in expanding the welfare state across the spectrum of races and ethnicities and creeds, but that’s not a common value among Latinos. If you had to pick the values that would be held dear to a broad number of Latino voters, access to opportunity would be a higher value than guarantee of security, particularly amongst the newly arrived, meaning the last 20 years.”

“The beauty of America—one of the things that so separates us [from the rest of the world]—is this ability to take people from disparate backgrounds that buy into the American ideal.”

“Latinos have much to be proud of. Second-generation Latinos marry non-Latinos at a higher rate than second-generation Irish or Italians. Second-generation Latinos’ English language capability rates are higher than previous immigrant groups’.”

“I would argue that if we can’t figure out how to control our border and move to a much more provocative and 21st-century immigration policy, the problems we face will become incredibly difficult to solve because we are not going to grow. The country needs younger people with energy and aspirations. Without them, we could end up looking like Old Europe.”

“What should be annual GDP growth of 3.5% could instead be 1.5%. After 10 years, that would amount to a difference of $3.8 trillion in economic activity. So to me the immigration issue is an economic competitiveness issue, and we’re missing it because we are incompetent in the government.”

Bush would like to see “a very aggressive guest worker program that ebbs and flows with demand.” He also wants to expand the H-1B visa program aggressively, allowing high-tech companies and others to recruit “highly educated, highly motivated people from around the world.”

Finally, Bush likes proposals that acknowledge the rule of law but also “give illegals a chance to change their status. If they learn English, pay a fine, accept a waiting time and have a clean record, some system like that makes sense to get people to come out of the shadows.”

Common sense?

Albert Einstein on testing, plus ça change…

January 12, 2011

I take the following passage from Stephen Hawking’s A Stubbornly Persistent Illusion, the Essential Scientific Works of Albert Einstein.

Einstein himself is doing the talking:

“… one had to cram all this stuff into one’s mind for the examinations, whether one liked it or not. This coercion had such a a deterring effect upon me that, after I had passed the final examination, I found the consideration of any scientific problems distasteful to me for an antire year…. It is, in fact, nothing short of a miracle that the modern methods of instruction have not yet entirely  strangled the holy curiosity of inquiry; for this delicate little plant, aside from stimulation stands mainly in need of freedom; without this it goes to wreck and ruin without fail. It is a very grave mistake to think that the enjoyment of seeing and searching can be promoted by means of coercion and a sense of duty. To the contrary, I believe that it would be possible to rob even a healthy beast of prey of its voraciousness, if it were possible, with the aid of a whip, to force the beast to devour continuously, even when not hungry, especially if the food, handed out under such coercion, were to be selected accordingly….”

“algebra is not an opportunity for the boy who has no turn for mathematics,” George Harris, 1897

January 10, 2011

I take the following word for word from Inequality and Progress, by George Harris, 1897, pp. 40-49]

ECONOMIC equality through collective production is scouted by a school of social reformers who  make equality of another kind an important part of  their programme. They retain the charmed word, but give it another definition. Not equal possession of wealth, but equality of opportunity is the chief condition of social welfare and progress.  While they regard private property and the· incentives to obtain it as indispensable, they maintain  that prerogatives, monopolies, privileges, inherited  possessions, and the like, exclude many from  opportunities which should be unrestricted. They  believe that the civil and political power of democracy should be employed to open doors that are  now closed. They are of the opinion that the  next task of democracy is the equalizing of opportunity, which men may then use or not use as they  see fit.

Evidently this is another elastic phrase which means little or much, according to the explanation.  When it is defined and qualified into the limits of the practicable, it may perhaps be convenient and  available to express a real need, although the qualifications will be found to take out the equality — the very thing contended for — while, if there is  no qualification, it is contrary to the facts of  human nature and fatal to progress.

Napoleon said that he would open a career to talents. If some persons of talent were by birth  or station debarred from certain pursuits, and  those adventitious disabilities were removed, doors  which had been closed would have been opened.  That would have been a widening but scarcely an equalizing of opportunity. If only members’ of  the nobility could at that time be professors in  the Sorbonne (I am imagining a case) and Napoleon removed that restriction, he would have been  keeping his word by opening a career to talent.  But the Sorbonne faculty would have presented  no opportunity to an ignoramus. Teaching in the  university would not have been an equal opportunity to all Frenchmen. Had he repealed a requirement (I am still imagining a case) that only  Frenchmen could be professors, he would have  opened a door to Englishmen and Italians, but not  to all Englishmen and Italians. The opportunity  would not have been universally equal, but equal  only for those who had the necessary qualifications.  That is, the opportunity would be equal, other things being equal. But other things are not equal  and never can be. Napoleon may have joined in  the national cry of liberty, equality, fraternity, but  he placed a tremendous restriction on the middle  term of that high-sounding phrase when he proclaimed the more modest role of opening a career  to talents.

Two representative examples of equal opportunity are sufficient for illustration: provision for  universal education, and the opening of all pursuits. Education and employments cover the  greater part of the ground. What now is meant  by equality of opportunity in these two most important respects? [In the following I have not included the pages where he discusses "the opening of all pursuits."]

Education is already so generally provided in  America and other countries, that, without forecasting imaginary conditions, there is no difficulty  in seeing how much equality is given by that opportunity. All classes of persons are supposed to  need education. The public schools, which supply  this need, are open to all persons that are under a  certain age. The same amount of time is given to  all; the same courses are prescribed for all; the  same teachers are appointed to all. The opportunity is not merely open; it is forced upon all.  Even under a socialistic programme it is difficult  to imagine any arrangement for providing the education which all are supposed to need more nearly equal than the existing system of public  schools. Even Mr. Bellamy finds schools in the  year 2000 A. D. [in his utopian novel, Looking Backward, of 1888] modeled after those of the nineteenth century. All things are changed except  the schools. With the advantage, then, of a case  in hand, nothing need be left to conjecture. Now,  the most superficial observation shows that this  actual opportunity, which not only invites but constrains youth to appropriate it, is not and cannot be an equal opportunity for all. Behind fifty  desks exactly alike fifty boys and girls are seated  to recite a lesson prescribed to all. Could opportunity be more nearly equal for half a hundred  youth? But the algebra is not an opportunity for  the boy who has no turn for mathematics. He  may throw his head at the book and stand dazed before the blackboard; but the science is not for  him any more than the Presidency of the United  States is for a tramp — perhaps not so much.  Indeed, the more nearly equal the opportunity outwardly, the more unequal it is really. When the  same instruction for the same number of hours a  day by the same teachers is provided for fifty boys  and girls, the majority have almost no opportunity  at all. The bright scholars are held back by the  rate possible to the average, the dull scholars are  unable to keep up with the average, and only the  middle section have anything like a fair opportunity. Even average scholars are discouraged because the brighter pupils accomplish their tasks so easily and never take their books home.

Educators have not solved the problem of education. Methods are frequently changed, new  studies are introduced, the child mind is analyzed,  and a psychological order of development made  directive. Even the babies in the pre-kindergarten  period must all play with round objects of certain  colors. And so on, from forms to numbers, words, letters, facts, principles. New methods are continually disparaging old methods, but the fact remains  that as yet a common school education, does not  educate. Not one child in ten after three years  in the grammar school speaks grammatically. Not  one boy in five, after six years of arithmetic and  algebra, can work out an actual business transaction correctly. The failure lies, not in method nor  in studies chiefly, but in the attempt at equalization. Methods are capable, to be sure, palpably  capable of improvement. Courses of study may be  too narrow or too broad. Manual training may  well be added to intellectual training. The traditional curriculum assumes that all the boys are  to be bookkeepers and all the girls accountants.  Slight additions of botany and geology assume  that the pupils are to be scientists. The fact that  the great majority of the boys are to be mechanics, farmers, operatives, and day-laborers, and that  the great majority of the girls are to be wives of  workmen, and will have to cook, sweep, make beds,  and sew, or become type-writers, saleswomen, dressmakers, and milliners, has not yet distinctly dawned  on the mental horizon of educators. At a recent  meeting of the National Educational Association,  the committee on rural schools (which more than  three quarters of all the children attend) actually  proposed that instruction should be given in farming and gardening, that school gardens should be  “planned and conducted, not merely to teach the  pure science of botany, but also the simple principles of the applied science of agriculture and gardening.” The proposition is evidently novel and  startling. Nobody seems to have thought of that  before. But, even if education had some sort of  correspondence to future employments, it cannot  educate so long as it is collective rather than selective, that is, so long as it offers the uniformity  of equal opportunity. How much practical knowledge of market gardening will the thirty boys  and girls of the West district gain by digging together in the school garden half an hour a day  with the schoolmistress? In all branches of study  the difficulty is the equalizing. There should be  small groups and instruction adapted to the varying capacities of pupils. The prime necessity is inequality of opportunity in agreement with inequality of individuals. The higher education of  negroes in the South is more wisely conducted  than that of whites in the North. Industrial  training is made as important as book-training.  The announcement of Atlanta University says:  “Combined with the higher education, and compulsory upon all students, is the industrial training – in carpentry, blacksmithing, lathe-work in  wood and in iron, mechanical and architectural  drawing, and printing, for young men; and in cooking, sewing, dressmaking, laundry work, nursing  the sick, and printing, for young women.” Such  education is individual. Each does his own work  by himself in shop and hospital. Reform schools  devote one half day to manual training, and the  boys make as much progress at their books as boys  in other schools who spend both sessions in study.  In some of the cities and larger towns, manual  training has been provided during recent years  with the best results. The training is selective  rather than collective, and therefore succeeds.

Education should be universal, that is, should be  provided for all. But universal is not the same as  equal opportunity. The uniformity of common  schools is a parable which might be applied to all  equalizing of opportunities for large numbers of  people.

On the higher ranges of education, the inequality of equality is yet more marked. Harvard University offers equal opportunities to all. Students  are received from all States of the Union and from  foreign countries, from any race, any class, any  family. The price of tuition is the same for all.  A young man proposes to enter the Freshman  class, but is refused. He expostulates, saying  that he is of the proper age, has been convicted of  no crime, and has the one hundred and fifty dollars in his hand. Here is the fee (fee simple  indeed). But you did not have the right kind of  grandfather. There is a deficiency of gray matter.  You can never be a mathematician, a linguist, or a  philosopher, but you will be a very good mechanic.  If any who choose to do so should attack the courses and be let loose in the laboratories, if the  professors should lecture and experiment before  the mongrel crew, treating all alike, not one in  a hundred would have any opportunity at all. As it is, after examination and selection, the chief  difficulties of collegiate education are created  by the massing of students in large numbers.  Comparison of the ideals of English and American universities is occupied with their power to  make students work and to adapt instruction  to individuals. The lecture method, the tutorial  method, the laboratory and seminar method are estimated from the point of view of adaptation to  numbers.

Small colleges are thought by many to have advantage over thronged universities, because two or  three scores of men can be better taught than two  or three hundred men together. Until recently  the division of large classes at Yale University was  made alphabetically, but is now made by grades  of scholarship, for the good of the lower grades  quite as much as for the good of the higher grades.  Thus both common schools and colleges fail if  they attempt to give equality of opportunity. They  make no external discrimination, and should make  none. Persons are equal so far as class, means,  and family are concerned. But indiscriminate,  uniform instruction is no instruction at all. The  prime necessity is adaptation to the unequal abilities, the various capacities, the different predilections of students. In fact, unequal opportunities  for unequal persons give a nearer approach to  equality than equal opportunities for unequal persons. Offering the same opportunity to an extended number brings out inequalities. When  Oxford University was open only to Churchmen,  many superior men were excluded. When Nonconformists were admitted they took a good share of  the prizes and fellowships, defeating those Church. men who otherwise would have succeeded. The  wider competition and selection emphasized inequality, as equalizing of opportunity always does.

Education is an unfortunate example for the  advocates of equality of opportunity. They would  be more consistent if they demanded unequal opportunity, since that would make the most rather  than the least of those who are inferior. Let everybody go to school, by all means, and in that  respect be equal to every other body. But let the  opportunities in the schools be as unequal as the  persons and as their future vocations. Professor  Paulsen in The Evolution of the Educational ldeal, in The Forum, Berlin, August,  1897, shows that the educational ideal  has been tending towards individuality so that  each may be taught according to his natural endowment, and has been moving away from uniformity  by introducing. natural science, history, and industrial training. He says that the ideal is “vigor  and originality, not equality, nor that uniformity  which disregards the demands of nature; for this  produces weakness and false culture. Let us extend to every individual the liberty of developing  his talents according to the demands of his nature,  in order that he may reach the summit of his capacity.” In this sense culture may and should be  universal. There should be no illiteracy. There  should be a suitable education for all.



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